Left: Professor Center: Student Right: Gadfly
- Imagine that political parties are organizations,
- Created by politicians to extract rents from citizens,
- Often at the expense of the denizens’ preferred,
- Social contract.[1]
-
Why wouldn’t citizens reject these factions!?
-
At the polls—these politicians, why not reject,
-
Those whom belong to such extracting organizations?
- Right on! Let us turn to Grynaviski’s answer in:
- Partisan Bonds. Haven’t you already bought it?
-
Laughter fills the room.
-
Would the answers therein,
-
Convince these students?
- Why would citizens accept the extraction of rents,
- From their pockets—to support that government?
-
A libertarian didn’t feel the need,
-
To qualify any response.
-
Wasn’t the conversation over; indeed!?
-
But a non-ideologue did muse loudly:
-
If the electorate truly believes that they can replace
-
The candidates out of step with the public interest;
-
Why not do it?
- This means that citizens understand:
- Which politician(s) deserves the credit or blame,
- For the public policy choices affecting; and,
- Which challenger(s) in the next election would rescue,
- The public will, once elected to command,
- Public office. Public service. Public acclaim!
-
The proverbial light turned on:
-
The political party’s reputation thus provides,
-
The reliable choice at election time.
- Grynaviski thus does vehemently argue,
- That American political parties “perform the role of a surety”[2]
- Like a bail bondsman. Parties thus provide a credible signal,
- To the voters regarding the performance of elected officials.
-
So political candidates are de facto restricted,
-
To the party platform expressed in every election.
- When candidates provide weak political platforms,
- Voters can rationally expect the candidate,
- To adhere to the party’s program.
- TheU.S.has a much more Responsible Party Model,
- Than researchers have determined to date.
- It’s likely that the parties argue on opposite sides,
- Of the median voter during electoral campaigns.
- Centrist policy is likely a long-term endeavor,
- But not a short-term endeavor; because,
- The Surety Model holds that parties should act responsibly,
- Each to one side of the median voter’s monologue.
-
What are the tenets of the Responsible Party Model?
- (1) Parties should stake out clear distinctive platforms;
- Democrats on the left, Republicans on the right.
- They should not converge upon the median voter’s sight.
- (2) When in office, the majority party should follow its promises;
- The minority should articulate what it would do if in power.
- (3) In elections, voters should punish or reward the party in power.
- (4) Responsible parties require high levels of party discipline,
- As the brand name must be protected.
-
Kroar felt more dialogue was required:
-
But the Responsible Party Model is a normative model—
-
How things should be!
-
It is not a positive model—how things are today.
- Discipline allows voters to hold parties responsible / accountable;
- E.g., The bank bailout, Obamacare, or one-sided scandals.
-
A prolific student:
-
It cuts both ways, if you think about it.
-
Kroar decided to roar:
-
But there are activities,
-
Which make the Responsibility Party Model weak,
-
In the United States!
- What do you mean?
-
First, the Tea Party Caucus and Blue Dogs Democrats
-
Show evidence that the parties have internal factions!
-
Two, in off year elections,
-
Parties rarely, or never, proclaim party platforms!
-
Three, members of congress (MCs)
-
Do not feel obliged to follow their party platform, at times often:
-
Dole in the 1996 presidential bid disagreed with abortion—
-
With that entire part of the Republican Party Platform!
-
Four, historically, party discipline in Congress,
-
Has too often been very low;
-
Say, Southern Democrats were more conservative,
-
Than many Republicans were.
-
Five, in elections, voters sometimes vote for candidates
-
Not from their preferred party;
-
Like, some districts over and over again demonstrate,
-
High levels of defections along party lines.
-
What kind of Responsible Party Model here—do you find?
- Well Kroar, that’s not all!
- What about ideologues?!
-
Yes! The Lemon Representative!
-
The one who could care less,
-
About the public will—for only his/her ideology,
-
An extreme stance—is best,
-
For society to accept.
- Right! Nationally, people hate lemon cars as much,
- As they disdain the lemon representative bunch.
-
A party scholar tried to change the tone:
-
Non-lemons are the office motivated type;
-
They will strive to please the median voter’s kinship.
-
The median constituent in his/her district;
-
‘Tis the platform which is truly bright.
- A lemon representative has hidden ideological motives,
- That only become realized after an election.
-
Kroar felt scorn:
-
Ideologues matter because they change,
-
The median voter distribution of public policy!
- Ideologues change a single bell curve to two or more peaks,
- In the distribution.
- Ideologues cause a distortion of the median voter’s wishes,
- Causing a shift in likely public policy outcomes.
- The entire distribution will shift to the left or right,
- When there is a caucus of lemons with bite.
-
This student didn’t understand,
-
That she was also a lemon.
-
An [liberal] ideologue,
-
Who showed her stripes,
-
With these commands:
-
The Tea Party is sour lemonade!
-
They cause a massive shift to the Right!
-
Progress in policy is only acceptable;
-
When repealing all laws in sight!
-
They call for the annulment of Obamacare!
-
They would disassemble the welfare state!
-
They hate moderates! They hate to collaborate!
- Well be sure you have the evidence.
-
The Professor paused.
- There are partisan electoral tides.
- Recall the 2006 election, when Republicans,
- Who voted with President Bush on Iraq,
- Were ousted by the electorate. Yet,
- Democrats who voted for the war,
- Remained in office. Why?
- Thus Partisan Bonds explains why responsibility
- For unfavorable policies,
- Causes people to vote against,
- The incumbent partisan party.
-
This student recently gave birth,
-
And she is concerned about,
-
This newborn’s future:
-
Only when challengers’ campaign promises,
-
Are in line with the party’s reputation,
-
And the incumbents are held in contempt,
-
Does the candidate with the other party win!?
-
She gasped:
-
What about gerrymandering?
-
Just look at all those safe districts!
- The elections are a referendum,
- On the incumbent party’s programs.
-
The lemon wanted answers:
-
But what would keep,
-
The Tea Party from dismantling,
-
Our great polity?
- The Surety Model.
- The leaders of each political party come together and decide:
- “We are going to form a cartel to prevent the crazies in our party,
- From doing things that national voters don’t like.”
- Then the leaders of each political party create a national platform, and say:
- “If you elect us, then you’ll be better off—because of X, Y, and Z.”
- The Surety Model may become enforced,
- Due to the institutional structure of Congress.
- For example:
- 1. Rules for voting are determined by the Speaker of the House:
- A. Strategic scheduling of votes.
- B. Strategic privileging of certain legislation.
- C. Controlling the amendment procedure.
- D. Determining what gets voted on; i.e.,
- Vote for J over W, since closer to M.
- Thus the major influence of the Speaker; I claim,
- S/he may deny the median voter what they want,
- Or, broker what they ordered with confidence.
- E. Treatment of committee members matters:
- See Lott and “Chinese water torture”;
- Commanding 5-6 senior members,
- To “recommend” voting for the legislation,
- To the newer MCs—a powerful and informal,
- Exercise of power.
- F. Pork distribution: see logrolling and constituency needs.
- G. Campaign contributions: no one is reelected without money.
- 2. A majority of the legislators will support the party; i.e.,
- Key party members create and enforce The Surety Model,
- For the electorate they foremost desire to keep.
-
The lemon was not satisfied:
-
If you are a Tea Party member of Congress,
-
Why are you going to let one party leader
-
Force you to vote against your principles?
-
For something moderate—truly mediocre!
- In theU.S.it is necessary to protect the brand—the name!
- A collaborative dilemma is iterated via repeat play.
- Campaign finance means politicians,
- Are largely disposable by the party in office.
- The politician truly is an experience good; whereby,
- You trust the representative as legislator will be,
- What the label claims; ex ante.
-
Still her thirst was unquenched:
-
But political parties in America,
-
Don’t have much power over the product.
- According to The Surety Model—this third party guarantor,
- The party will forfeit the loyal activist base,
- If they are noticeably divided and displaced.
-
Exactly! The Tea Party faction,
-
Within the Republican Party,
-
Should cause The Surety Model,
-
To fail—honorably!
- The last time The Surety Model failed…honorably,
- Was when the Whigs were divided over slavery.
-
Yes! And the Whig Party ceased to exist!
-
You can’t have two intra-party groups
-
Claiming the same label for the party troops.
-
They cannot co-exist!
-
She imagined the downfall of Republicans.
-
But then,
-
The Professor’s voice became full of life.
-
Now expecting the proverbial light,
-
To appear as lightning!
-
By this student’s sight.
- Protecting the brand means protecting the legislation!
- That is precisely why I spent so long articulating,
- The Speaker of the House’s authority.
- When has the Tea Party controlled the Republican faction?
- Isn’t the Tea Party just a few of the back-benchers?
-
‘Tis my research hypothesis!
-
That a few crazies can hold-up,
-
Moderates!
-
Of course Kroar was a moderate Republican,
-
And he kept himself from arguing,
-
With an ideologue whom would never give in,
-
To limited government political progress.
-
The tension was high.
-
The professor was satisfied.
- Let’s get back to the basics of name recognition:
- People are responsive to changes in unity determinations.
- When party unity is high, then voters have an image to rely on.
- Socialization matters to party crystallization.
- Crystallized party images matter—more so for the young—
- Since they carry this image throughout their voting life-span.
- Thus party credibility for voters is established upon,
- Name recognition.
-
A new graduate student asked:
-
But why do voters accept two parties,
-
Which are non-centrist with opposing ideologies?
- According The Surety Model they do so because,
- The two parties will be more moderate than,
- Independent representatives wandering all over:
- The electoral map.
- Meaning, if representatives are not responsible to a party,
- Then the few representatives who capture power,
- May be much more extreme than,
- The current party badge creating the law.
-
Folk wisdom suggests that candidates,
-
Would form a coalition on either
-
The Right or the Left.
-
‘Tis based on ideological divisions.
- Yes. We are back to why parties form; for,
- Each candidate will support legislation,
- Which does articulate a preferred voting record.
- The record will be used against them or for them,
- During reelection.
- The candidate closer to the median voter,
- Should win office.
-
But folk wisdom is derived from,
-
The fictitious assumption that policy space,
-
Comprises a one-dimensional game.
- Indeed, there is plenty of evidence to suggest,
- That two candidates will take opposite sides,
- Of the median voter in their constituents’ district.
-
But some conservatives winning liberal districts,
-
Look like liberals along the Downsian continuum.
-
Likewise, liberals who win in conservative districts,
-
Are often placed like conservatives along the ideological spectrum.
- Nationally, then, all this supports,
- The median voter assumptions—the
- Median voter’s political force, I guess.
-
Political scientists have found,
-
Party pressure accounts for about,
-
Ten percent of MCs changing their roll call vote; because,
-
Party pressure creates two different Downsian spectrums,
-
That these representatives do tout.[3]
- Think of politicians as experience goods.
- Before you buy, you may be unsure,
- Of the quality of the product.
- Political scientists have also found,
- That Presidents keep about sixty percent,
- Of their promises.[4]
- Likewise, House members on environmental legislation,
- Kept their promises roughly seventy percent of the time.[5]
- Isn’t that pretty good for said partisans?
-
So voters see these politicians,
-
As a type of experience good which,
-
Cannot be accurately forecast,
-
Before an election.
-
Hence the people voting in the election,
-
Are more likely to determine,
-
That a candidate tied to a party affiliation,
-
Will produce the good that accompanies,
-
Party promises?
- It’s complicated.
- In theory, ‘tis wiser to be unaffiliated, since,
- The candidate will not be ideologically located,
- As a median party member.
-
A recurring hypothesis sounded:
-
Voters are a disparate group.
-
In theU.S., the districts would institute,
-
Various multi-faceted coups.
- According to The Surety Model:
- “Party leaders are ‘hired’ by their back-benchers
- To serve as a third-party guarantor
- Of the performance in office of the candidates
- Who carry their party’s label.”[6]
-
Here is the main point:
-
It’s not the campaign promises or the party’s program,
-
Will or will not be approved by the incumbent party; rather,
-
The guarantee is that extreme party positions—
-
Will never be considered.
- That’s exactly the point.
- Adverse consequences will be held off,
- Because those controlling the agenda,
- Will keep extreme partisans from reaching,
- A sincere legislative hearing.
- Party leadership holds a de facto veto,
- Over extreme or inconsistent legislation,
- According to the party’s narrative.
- Also, the leadership does demand a “yes or no” vote,
- From legislators on any particular policy vote,
- That is preferred to the alternative,
- Leaving room for understanding,
- In the electorate—for the next election episode.
-
In the United States, then,
-
Explain why they have,
-
A responsible-party model—in governance.
- The two parties are indeed on opposite sides,
- Of the political center.
- Consequently, third parties are excluded,
- From the political system—unable to enter.
- The party reputations are long-lasting endeavors.
- Changes in the party platform is thus unlikely;
- For changes will cause trembles,
- Which will likely cause strong partisans to shiver,
- Frozen by an unrecognizable party apparatus.
- Parties that chase the median voter, hence,
- Disown their party activists.
-
The Surety Model thus predicts,
-
Stable long-term politics.
- And also, when parties act in deviating ways,
- You may predict severe losses,
- In the upcoming election.
- See the campaign: “The incumbent Party has lost their way!”
-
Heads were nodding,
-
As the Professor’s semester had just expired.
- And now some closing thoughts.
-
This was the last lecture,
-
Of a class that produced over 200 hypothesis,
-
For possible research analysis.
-
There was no more tension.
-
But about a dozen of those hypothesis,
-
Did need immediate attention.
- There are empirical regularities in [American] politics,
- Suggesting that legislative outcomes predominantly,
- Are about parties instead of individual candidates.
- First, voters know almost nothing about their representatives;
- They do not even know the names of the candidates.
- Second, voters do utilize partisan cues to infer about,
- The candidates’ future legislative route.
- Third, there are plenty of instances when people ignored
- The candidate’s stance when contrary to the party brand.
- Forth, partisanship is an important predictor of voting behavior.
- Fifth, representatives care about their partisan reputation.
- Finally, there are partisan electoral tides turning over control,
- To the opposing political party in times,
- When voters don’t like what they find.
-
The study of political parties in America;
-
Is the study of Uncle Sam:
-
A two-sided curator.
-
On this note,
-
Many books closed,
-
And smiles formed.
- Thank you all for a productive semester.
-
A moment of sincere gratitude endured.
-
Then the Professor assumed an air of guidance,
-
For these political science students:
- Remember to complete your papers,
- For the upcoming conference in Chicago;
- Over the summer, remember, collaborate together.
- Oh, I will send you an email tomorrow,
- Of the dozen research hypothesis,
- Worthy of a top-tier journal,
- That you, as a class, may be fertile.
- For those of you taking comps this summer,
- I suggest writing many conference papers,
- According to the subfield ‘tis under.
- Yes, graduate students—never in your life,
- Will you work harder…
-
And you, Professor?
- I’ll be on vacation,
- Reading poetry; of substance:
- Poetry about political science.
-
Wondrous gazes.
- Yes. I imagine it will put me to sleep,
- On a hammock—under two palm trees.
-
And with that exchange,
-
The class moved onto the local café.
[1] This poem is an analysis of: Grynaviski. 2010. Partisan Bonds: Political Reputations and Legislative Accountability. Cambridge University Press.
[2] Page 2
[3] McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal (2001).
[4] Ringquist and Dasse (2004).
[5] Ringquist and Neshkova (2006).
[6] Page 42.
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Clever and challenging. See also https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/20141027211951-71482303-is-the-party-over-and-what-happened-to-loyal-opposition-anyway?trk=prof-post
thanks!