I contend that Americans subscribe to multiple core values as participants in the American culture. My method for discovering an individual’s commitment to an ideology is based on two proofs. I must show that (1) republican, liberal, and authoritarian value systems do allow the practices of said core values to ebb and flow in American politics, and (2) there are people behind this ebb and flow in society affecting American politics.
Let “R” “L” and “A” stand for the republican, liberal, authoritarian institutions / regime, respectively. Let “r” “l” “a” stand for people in society demonstrating a commitment to, or a reflection of, republicanism, liberalism, and authoritarianism, respectively.
For example, the people vote (l) for power to be placed electorally (L); or, the people pass laws (r) that the elected officials enforce (R); or, Public officials pass laws (a) with no power or agency given to the people (A). These are the relationships of power and agency within each political language.
Explanation: The people will not form a convention to pass legislation against national legislation under an authoritarian or liberal regime because it is pointless and may even get them killed or exiled. Resolutions of instruction only have standing in a republican regime. The reality may be that “l” defines the Patriot Act (liberal legislation) and that “r” has presented “Resolutions” to formally oppose the Patriot Act in order to defend The Republic.
To solve this proof, I will capture the debate on the Patriot Act in the news with the goal of parsing out republican commitments from liberal and authoritarian commitments. I expect Americans committed to republicanism to utilize the institution of instruction as an ends to a means of reestablishing and reaffirming republican core values as a significant element of the American culture by which most Americans would agree, if observed, is explicitly an attempt to influence American politics.
This proof is complex because republican, liberal, and authoritarian values may be expressed at the national level and coded as “L”. I resolve this problem by adding a secondary column to the dataset in order to parse out the values when appropriate.
Explanation: People committed to republicanism will come together to stop [national] legislation which violates the tenets of core republican values. If 100 city governments passed “resolutions” to protect the people from the Patriot Act, then we do observe the agency, at minimum, of republican democracy.
In an extended Republic, power is dependent on responsiveness by the national government. It is beyond the scope of this dissertation, yet worth noting that if hundreds of resolutions were passed nationwide against the Patriot Act and these resolutions were ignored by representatives in the national government, then it is reasonable to assume that this would further anger or provoke the people whom are practicing the republican tradition to influence American politics.
In an extended Republic, endogenously, we must observe self-government whereby the people are exercising republicanism in order to influence American politics. Republican power and agency stems from the people committed to republican values, yet this power must be acknowledged and returned to the American people based on actions by the national representatives for republicanism to be a viable ideology.
Proof 2 is operationalized to determine the viability of authoritarian, liberal, and republican core values as elements of the culture because a random sample of news on the Patriot Act should be informative regarding the presence of each political language. Again, my narrow topic of the Patriot Act will not definitively reflect the American culture, yet this case study should provide ample proof that republicanism is present and persistent as an element of the political culture if it indeed continues as a shared value system within the American population.